Provincial Council elections spark fresh controversy as Anura’s government faces claims it is copying Ranil’s delay tactics.
Provincial Council elections have again become the centre of a heated political storm, as President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s Compass government faces growing accusations that it is now following the same path once taken by Ranil Wickremesinghe.
The controversy erupted after Science and Technology Minister Krishantha Abeyasinghe recently created public and political excitement by indicating that Provincial Council elections could be held this year. That statement gave opposition parties, grassroots political networks, and many voters the impression that the long-delayed polls were finally moving toward reality.
But that expectation did not last long. A fresh political development soon emerged, casting doubt over the government’s actual intention and creating a major debate within the ruling camp itself.
Ranil’s Delaying Formula
Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe played a central role in the long chain of obstacles, delays, manoeuvres, and political calculations that kept the Provincial Council elections, originally due in 2017, buried for years.
His calculation was clear. If the elections were held at the time, the opposition would almost certainly have secured a decisive victory.
During the 2015 “Good Governance” administration, when Ranil served as Prime Minister, it became increasingly obvious that the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, or Pohottuwa, would win if Provincial Council elections were conducted on schedule.
Ranil used delimitation as the excuse to push the elections aside.
Later, after he became President through Parliament in 2022, he once again avoided Provincial Council polls because it had become clear that the Samagi Jana Balawegaya was likely to win across the provinces.
Ranil had understood that without state power, he lacked the political strength to lead the United National Party to victory. That realization, critics argue, became the driving force behind the effort to remove Provincial Council elections from the political map.
What Ranil effectively did was use Parliament in a disgraceful manner to erase a major democratic election from public life.
Anura Follows Ranil’s Road
The irony now is that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s Compass government, which came to power attacking Ranil’s administration from every direction while preaching democracy, appears to be walking along the very same road.
The Compass government has now taken advantage of Ranil’s constitutional amendment and seems determined to deny the people another opportunity to express their political opinion through Provincial Council elections.
This criticism is being made in unusually strong language because the issue goes to the heart of democracy and the political rights of the people.
Whatever the result may be, the position remains clear: the Provincial Council elections must be held.
Cracks Inside Government
From the beginning, it was visible that the Compass government itself was facing an internal crisis over whether to hold the Provincial Council elections.
Once the Science and Technology Minister stated that the polls would be held this year, almost all opposition parties became energized. The strongest reaction came from the Samagi Jana Balawegaya.
By the final week after the announcement, 11 MPs from various districts had reportedly informed Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa that they were ready to resign from Parliament and contest as Chief Ministerial candidates in their respective provinces.
By last Friday, that number had reportedly increased to 16 — a figure that even Sajith himself is said to have found difficult to believe.
SJB Grassroots Mobilize
These MPs were prepared to give up their parliamentary seats because grassroots SJB supporters had started organizing rapidly for the Provincial Council elections.
As a result, several SJB MPs became convinced that they could defeat the Compass alliance decisively at provincial level.
That confidence reportedly led them to inform Sajith Premadasa and SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara that they were prepared to contest as Chief Ministerial candidates.
Tilvin Gets Village Warnings
This wave of political activity was not missed by Tilvin Silva, the General Secretary of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.
Through the party’s local networks, continuous reports had been reaching Pelawatte warning that an election held now could damage the JVP at village level.
As those warnings intensified, Tilvin moved quickly.
While opening a JVP office in Jaffna, he publicly stated that the Provincial Council elections would not be held this year.
He cited the impact of Cyclone Dithva and claimed that funds allocated for the election had instead been used for disaster-related purposes. He went further, saying there was uncertainty about whether the elections could even be held next year.
A Contradictory Claim
Tilvin also made another serious claim during the same speech. He said India had exerted no pressure regarding the holding of Provincial Council elections.
Whether that statement was intentional or accidental remains unclear. But it has now triggered intense discussion within the Compass alliance, the JVP, other political parties, and even diplomatic circles.
Ranil’s “No Money” Argument Returns
A similar argument was made in 2023 by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe in Parliament.
At the time, as the dates for Local Government elections approached, Ranil declared that there was no money to hold elections and therefore no election could take place.
Back then, the three Compass MPs in Parliament — Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Vijitha Herath, and Harini Amarasuriya — strongly attacked Ranil’s remarks both inside and outside Parliament.
When then-Treasury Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana appeared before court claiming there was no money to conduct elections, it was these same Compass MPs who mocked and criticized that position the most.
The irony today is unmistakable. The very JVP leaders who once laughed at the “no money” argument are now accused of using the same excuse to delay Provincial Council elections.
Treasury Boasts Undermined
Tilvin’s remarks in Jaffna have also weakened another repeated claim made by the President and senior ministers — that the Treasury is overflowing with funds.
Not only government figures, but even economist and opposition MP Harsha de Silva, who has worked closely with the government, once said in Parliament that the Treasury was overflowing with money.
But Tilvin’s statement in Jaffna, apparently shaped by concern over rising grassroots support for the SJB, has now raised questions about those confident claims.
Attack From Within
Over the past several months, this column has repeatedly reported that differences of opinion and internal tensions were emerging between Pelawatte and the Compass alliance, and between Pelawatte and the Presidential Secretariat.
With Tilvin’s Jaffna remarks, that simmering conflict once again surfaced publicly.
The first shot against Tilvin Silva was not fired by an opposition politician. It came from within the government itself, from Agriculture Minister K. D. Lalkantha.
This was not the first time reports had emerged of tension between Lalkantha and Tilvin. A few weeks earlier, social media and several media outlets had reported an internal dispute inside Pelawatte, with Tilvin and Lalkantha named as the two central figures.
Less than 24 hours after Tilvin’s statement, Lalkantha posted a pointed message on his Facebook page.
“Governments are not run according to what you, he, this one, or that one wants. There is an established institutional structure through which decisions on governing are made.”
Many read that comment as an indirect but unmistakable attack aimed directly at Tilvin.
Cabinet Briefing Response
A more serious response came at Tuesday’s Cabinet media briefing.
When journalists directly questioned Minister Nalinda Jayatissa about Tilvin’s remarks, he responded with a smile and stated confidently that the government had no intention whatsoever of postponing the elections.
He further said that the Provincial Council elections would definitely be held.
Yet within hours of Nalinda’s statement, another unexpected development unfolded.
At an expert panel discussion organized by PAFFREL on the Provincial Council elections, Compass General Secretary Nihal Abeysinghe openly contradicted Tilvin’s position.
Nihal Contradicts Tilvin
Nihal said he had personally met Tilvin two weeks earlier to discuss the issue, and that the government had made no decision to avoid holding Provincial Council elections.
He emphasized that the funds needed to conduct the election were available.
Nihal also explained that once the committee chaired by Vijitha Herath completed its review of the electoral system to be used, the government would proceed with the election immediately.
By publicly contradicting Tilvin, Nihal made clear that Tilvin’s remarks had triggered a serious conflict not only inside the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna but also between the JVP and the wider Compass alliance.
The Compass Website Vanishes
This is not the first sign of tension between the JVP and the Compass alliance.
In fact, disagreements began surfacing from the very day the alliance won the presidential election. The first visible cracks appeared when nominations for the parliamentary election were being finalized.
Many Compass candidates were reportedly denied nominations, while senior JVP figures were given priority in several districts.
Later, during the parliamentary election campaign, serious allegations emerged that JVP supporters had worked at grassroots level to undermine Compass candidates.
While mainstream media did not report those developments, this column repeatedly highlighted them at the time.
Now, another important episode in the Compass–JVP conflict has emerged. It concerns what appears to be a fresh operation from Pelawatte to weaken and gradually dissolve the Compass movement itself.
The JVP Behind Compass
During both the presidential and parliamentary elections, the JVP effectively hid behind the Compass identity to expand its voter base.
Traditionally associated with a core vote of around 3%, the JVP used the Compass platform to create the impression that it enjoyed support from all sectors of society.
Prominent academics, intellectuals, professors, and professionals linked to the Compass alliance were promoted heavily, while senior JVP figures remained more in the background.
Through that strategy, the JVP tried to convince the public that Compass was a broad national platform capable of attracting supporters from the UNP, SLPP, and SLFP.
By presenting Harini Amarasuriya prominently, the JVP also sought to appeal to women voters, educated professionals, and the urban middle class.
Many people voted for Compass out of hope, anger, frustration, curiosity, or simply a desire to test a new alternative. That was largely because of the fresh faces constantly promoted by the JVP.
The NPPLK Platform
During the campaign, the JVP also launched a massive social media operation targeting youth and younger voters.
This effort was coordinated from the JVP headquarters, where a special media unit had reportedly been set up.
The JVP also launched a dedicated website under the domain “NPPLK,” which received major promotion across social media platforms.
The Compass policy manifesto was published on that site in all three languages.
It also carried policy proposals prepared with the involvement of intellectuals and professionals connected to Compass.
Policies covering education, the economy, tourism, youth affairs, arts and culture, religion, fisheries, transport, senior citizens, and several other sectors were uploaded with the stated goal of uplifting each area individually.
The Compass government is now approaching its second anniversary in power this coming September.
Throughout this period, the NPPLK website reportedly operated through a dedicated office and staff based inside the JVP headquarters in Pelawatte.
Website Deactivated
Latest reports now suggest that the JVP has completely deactivated the Compass NPPLK website — the very platform that once helped bring supporters from across the country under one banner.
In effect, it appears the plug powering the site has been pulled from Pelawatte itself.
The political signal appears clear: the Compass alliance, as a distinct political force, may no longer exist beyond its name.
A New Path For Compass
Inside Politics reports with responsibility that hostility from the JVP side toward non-JVP National People’s Power MPs has begun in many districts.
It is also reported that even at local council level, JVP MPs have started sidelining NPP MPs.
In village development work and related activities, JVP representatives are said to be taking control while NPP representatives are pushed aside.
As a result, NPP MPs are reportedly facing significant difficulties and psychological pressure at grassroots level.
Marginalised NPP MPs
After repeated complaints from NPP MPs in various districts, a group of senior NPP MPs reportedly held a crucial discussion during the most recent parliamentary sitting days.
However, some MPs present at the discussion reportedly became suspicious of one or two individuals, fearing they might pass details of the meeting to different parties in order to gain favour with the President or the Pelawatte leadership.
The nature of these discussions indicates that NPP MPs are no longer afraid of the JVP.
Several NPP MPs reportedly showed little concern about whether their criticism reached the President or Pelawatte, and strongly criticized the current conduct of the JVP.
That alone suggests growing boldness among NPP members toward the JVP.
Opposition Channels May Receive Leaks
During the days Parliament was in session, these NPP MPs also held detailed discussions about the problems and marginalisation faced by local government representatives and party supporters in their districts.
They reportedly reached a special decision to create a mechanism to share information about irregularities within the government, as well as the grievances and marginalisation they are experiencing, with opposition MPs.
This indicates a growing likelihood that more information about developments and internal conflicts within the government will emerge through opposition channels in the future.
Diplomatic Fallout
While an internal crisis is developing through Tilvin’s statements, his remarks have also stirred controversy on the diplomatic front.
His statement that India was not pressuring the government over Provincial Council elections is considered to have placed New Delhi in an uncomfortable position.
Two weeks earlier, this column reported that with the swearing-in of Tamil Nadu Chief Minister “Thalapathy Vijay,” Tamil Nadu political leaders who had previously expressed pro-LTTE sentiments and once worked alongside Prabhakaran, together with diaspora groups, had begun aligning with him in governance.
Those political forces supporting Thalapathy Vijay have consistently maintained that the 13th Amendment introduced by India to Sri Lanka must be fully implemented.
As a result, following Tilvin’s remarks, there is a strong possibility that pro-LTTE political groups may launch a campaign through Thalapathy Vijay to pressure the Indian central government into pushing for Provincial Council elections in Sri Lanka.
Tamil Arasu Kachchi Moves
Inside Politics understands that Tamil Arasu Kachchi, the main political party in the North and East, has verified its position on Provincial Council elections with New Delhi.
Information received suggests that New Delhi’s response was to be patient on other matters with the government, but to maintain a firm position on Provincial Council elections.
Tamil Arasu Kachchi now intends to meet Tilvin Silva face to face and confirm the JVP’s position.
The party intends to first meet Tilvin, and subsequently meet the President, to discuss matters connected to Provincial Council elections.
This column also learns that Tamil Arasu Kachchi is planning to launch a major agitation campaign in the North and East over Provincial Councils.
The party has also started discussions with other political parties in the South.
Tamil Arasu Kachchi General Secretary and former parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran was seen in Colombo last week, engaging in several rounds of confidential meetings with opposition parties.
Party parliamentarian Shanakkiyan Rasamanikkam also urged the government to hold the PC election during talks held at the Opposition Leader’s office.
Information received about the face-to-face meeting between Sajith Premadasa and M.A. Sumanthiran indicates that both sides agreed on forming an opposition alliance to demand Provincial Council elections in the near future.
The Government Committee
During discussions between Sajith and Sumanthiran, special attention was given to the government-appointed committee tasked with reviewing the electoral system for Provincial Council elections.
Both sides shared the view that the committee, chaired by Wijitha Herath, had been appointed not to facilitate elections, but to delay them.
Accordingly, they agreed that joint action was necessary to force the government to hold the Provincial Council elections without further postponement.
They also discussed at length the steps required to achieve this.
Reports suggest that Sajith and Sumanthiran agreed that if the government continues avoiding elections through excuses, a decisive response would be needed — one that would resonate not only locally but internationally.
The unfolding events suggest that the government can no longer avoid Provincial Council elections indefinitely.
If the Malima administration attempts to follow the same path Ranil took in suppressing these elections, it may face an even harsher political fate than Ranil himself.
Turning Toward The IMF
Last week, Maw Rata revealed on its front page that the IMF Executive Board would meet on Wednesday the 27th to discuss the release of Sri Lanka’s fifth and sixth tranches, amounting to nearly USD 700 million.
As reported, the Board approved the disbursement, a development widely seen as major relief for Sri Lanka’s struggling economy.
Together with expected assistance from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, the total inflow is expected to approach USD 1 billion.
The urgent question now is what Sri Lanka will do next to overcome its continuing economic crisis.
Sajith’s Warning
Two weeks earlier, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa warned in Parliament that the current IMF agreement would expire in March.
He urged the government to immediately negotiate a supplementary arrangement to avoid a fresh economic collapse.
Sajith stressed that failure to act would push the country into another severe crisis.
His warning was not casual. It followed extensive consultations with several former senior IMF officials.
Although the government has not responded, Bangladesh, as Sajith predicted, has already moved to secure a new agreement with the IMF.
A Long-Term Political Strategy
Why has the government remained silent despite repeated warnings?
An investigation last week revealed that the silence is linked to a deliberate long-term political strategy.
The government has reportedly decided not to pursue a new IMF agreement after the current arrangement ends in March, but to bring it to a close altogether.
The reason lies in the political calendar.
By March 2027, the administration will be entering its final phase, with only two years remaining before the next presidential election.
During that period, the President retains the power to dissolve Parliament, and by April or May 2027, the political atmosphere will already be moving toward election mode.
The greatest obstacle to calling early elections is the IMF agreement itself.
It restricts government spending, prevents wide subsidies, and blocks tax reductions.
Even with trillions of rupees in the Treasury, the government cannot provide relief to the people under those conditions.
One example was seen after Cyclone Ditva, when the government sought to allocate Rs. 500 billion in aid but reportedly faced strong IMF opposition, resulting in the postponement of the fifth tranche until May.
Don Juan And Keppetipola
It has long been said in Sri Lanka that politicians have no shame — that their sense of shame has been cut away.
The public has repeatedly watched politicians attack one another in front of the nation, only to later join hands and sit under the same political banner.
As elections draw near, the familiar drama begins again: one crosses over, another joins, one leaves, and another returns.
Such shifting allegiances are nothing new.
This note begins there because recent reports in the Inside Politics column reveal yet another such act by a politician who appears to have cut away his shame nerve.
Wimal Once In JVP
From the beginning of his political career, Wimal Weerawansa, once the propaganda secretary of the JVP, treated Ranil Wickremesinghe as his chief political enemy.
On stage, Wimal attacked Ranil with harsh words, sometimes calling him “Wikkama Singha” and accusing him of selling national assets.
At other times, he branded Ranil an imperialist stooge, a tiger sympathiser, a Norwegian agent, and even a CIA operative.
Finally, Wimal compared Ranil to Don Juan Dharmapala, the king accused of betraying the country to the Portuguese.
While Wimal portrayed Ranil as Don Juan Dharmapala, many of Wimal’s supporters hailed him as the hero Keppetipola.
Yet last week, in a striking reminder of political irony, Don Juan and Keppetipola met face to face in Colombo at Ranil’s private residence on Fifth Lane, Kollupitiya.
The meeting was arranged after Ranil personally telephoned Wimal.
“I heard you faced some trouble. Come by — I’d like to meet and talk,” Ranil reportedly said.
Wimal went to the home of the very man he had once branded a traitor.
The two held a cordial discussion.
Ranil first asked about the incident at the war memorial and offered legal advice. Then the conversation moved to politics.
He spoke at length with Wimal about strengthening the opposition, Wimal’s possible role, and how Sajith Premadasa and the SJB might be removed as obstacles to a united opposition.
At the end of the meeting, Ranil did something he rarely does. He walked Wimal out, speaking with him all the way to his car.
The symbolism was unmistakable.
The stage appears to be set for Don Juan Dharmapala and Keppetipola to sit together on the same platform.
Anura Under Pressure Over Cricket
Meanwhile, the President dissolved the cricket administration led by Shammi Silva and appointed a new interim committee under SJB organiser Eran Wickramaratne.
This decision carries serious implications.
Reliable sources report that during his final discussion with Shammi, the President was briefed on the looming Indian tour and the financial crisis inside Sri Lanka Cricket.
Anura reportedly said he would resolve the matter directly with Prime Minister Modi.
The ICC, however, has stated that the interim committee is valid for only three months, after which proper elections must be held.
The President, by contrast, reportedly believed the committee would last for a year, especially after the recent visit of ICC officials who met him warmly.
But information now suggests that even during those cordial talks, the ICC strongly hinted that elections should be held quickly, within three months, as happened in Bangladesh.
The President resisted, insisting that elections could not be organized so quickly and that preparatory work was already underway.
He delivered a stern message to the ICC.
“Cricket is loved by all Sri Lankans, beyond party lines. But recent events have left the people deeply disillusioned. Just as they once rose against a president, they were ready to rise against cricket administrators too. Only our government prevented such a collapse. So do not play games with this — give the people what they expect.”
He also presented ICC officials with a thick file detailing payments and salaries within the cricket board.
Now, with the ICC delegation gone, the country waits for their decision.
If they insist on elections within three months, the President’s plan for an interim committee will fall into crisis.
If they extend the period, no immediate clash will arise.
For now, the nation waits across party lines for the ICC’s verdict.
