For generations, our understanding of economic inequality has been shaped largely through the lens of European history. Grand narratives built on colonial legacies and limited historical windows—often spanning no more than the last five or six centuries—have attempted to explain how wealth disparities emerged and became entrenched. But these narratives, rooted in a narrow view of global history, have largely ignored the vast scope of human experience. Thanks to archaeology, that is beginning to change.
Until recently, efforts to explain inequality over time were based on European trajectories or recent societies shaped by colonialism. These were often reduced to a linear sequence of changes, giving rise to the idea that inequality naturally increases with economic development and population growth. But this view was not global in nature—nor was it genuinely historical.
European history, particularly its colonial influence, dominated how we conceptualized inequality well into the 20th century. Inequality was seen as an inevitable byproduct of modernization, a side effect of increasing population density and economic complexity. Grand narratives from the West promoted the idea that inequality could only be reversed through rational governance and education. But as wealth gaps continue to widen, especially in nations like the United States and the United Kingdom, such views now seem outdated.
Over the last fifty years, however, archaeologists have taken a different path. Shifting their focus away from temples and royal tombs, they’ve turned their attention to homes—studying the domestic lives of ordinary people from across thousands of years. This includes farmers, laborers, and community members whose stories rarely make it into traditional histories.
The GINI Project, a collaborative research effort led by Timothy A. Kohler (Washington State University), Amy Bogaard (Oxford University), and Scott Ortman (University of Colorado), has analyzed more than 50,000 ancient houses from over 1,000 archaeological sites around the world. These data sets offer a powerful new tool to study inequality by tracking wealth disparities through housing differences.
For the first time, researchers can examine economic inequality across large swaths of human history and geography. What they’ve discovered is profound: neither agriculture nor urbanization alone explains inequality. No single linear model applies across continents or time periods. Instead, patterns of inequality vary dramatically and are shaped by deeper social, political, and institutional forces.
One significant pattern emerges: technological advancements—like domesticated crops, improved transportation, and better communication—along with the growth of large, complex societies, have increased the potential for inequality. But that potential is only realized under certain conditions. In some places, institutions arose to suppress inequality. In others, the absence of such systems allowed it to flourish.
The long-standing belief that private property and sedentary agriculture inevitably lead to autocratic rule and rigid wealth structures doesn’t hold up. In many cases, thousands of years passed before inequality grew significantly. In other words, inequality is not a guaranteed outcome of development.
Across different global regions, inequality took different forms, rose at different rates, and often met with resistance. Civilizations responded in diverse ways—some through governance systems that distributed power and wealth more equitably, others through centralized control that worsened inequality. These mechanisms were rarely consistent, and when democratic institutions broke down, inequality surged.
Population size, access to metals, and control over long-distance trade routes all influenced how inequality manifested. More importantly, how societies organized their governance—whether democratic or autocratic—was crucial. Human societies have always had the capacity to curb selfishness through cooperation and collective action. But such cooperation is difficult to sustain. When participatory governance falters, inequality tends to rise.
The study also points to how economic inequality is often worsened when political institutions are propped up by external revenues—like tribute, resource extraction, or foreign aid—rather than local labor and production. In these cases, power becomes centralized and harder to balance.
Ultimately, what archaeology reveals is this: inequality is not an inevitable outcome of civilization. It is shaped, suppressed, or exacerbated by the choices societies make—especially in how they govern, distribute resources, and design institutions. The past, as always, is not just a record of what has happened, but a mirror showing what might still be possible.
This article was produced by Human Bridges, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
SOURCE :- SRI LANKA GUARDIAN
