A government with a commanding two thirds majority, barely a year and a half old, is already drowning in a sea of scams. From a 2.5 million dollar Treasury blunder to rotten coal, costly fuel, and lavish political lifestyles, the crises are piling up faster than solutions. Meanwhile, whispers of MP revolts, cricket board overhauls, and May Day power plays are shaking the ruling camp. Is this a simple rough patch, or the beginning of a political earthquake? Let’s unpack the mayhem.
The Honeymoon That Wasn’t
A government that holds a two thirds majority typically enjoys a political honeymoon lasting three to four years. During this period, serious challenges are rare. Even when problems arise, they are usually overshadowed by the administration’s popularity and public goodwill. Much like a newly married couple, a fresh government experiences a phase of relative calm and stability. But once that phase ends, troubles inevitably surface. And whether it is a marriage or a regime, the honeymoon does not last forever.
The Malima government, despite its supermajority, has been in power for only 18 months. Yet it is already confronting a series of crises larger than anything seen under previous administrations. It finds itself forced to navigate a turbulent and unpredictable political culture. Each controversy seems to trigger another, leaving the government in a constant state of damage control.
From Bad Coal to Costly Fuel and a Flashy House
Take the long running dispute over substandard coal imports, which dragged on for months. It was finally resolved only after the dismissal of Power and Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, a trusted ally of the President. At the same time, the government faced public scrutiny over Minister K.D. Lal Kantha, who built a lavish three storey residence in Weliwita, Kaduwela. Then came more embarrassment when the CEO of HSBC claimed that Sri Lanka had purchased diesel at an eye watering 286 dollars per barrel.
The Treasury Blunder That Topped Them All
As if those problems were not enough, a fresh crisis erupted last Wednesday. The Treasury mistakenly transferred 2.5 million dollars meant for an Australian company into a fraudulent hacker controlled account. Many analysts now consider this mistake even worse than the earlier scandals, whether the coal imports, Lal Kantha’s mansion, or the inflated diesel deal.
Although the amount lost is small compared to the Central Bank bond scandal under the previous Yahapalana government, the nature of this incident suggests it could ignite a major political storm. The matter first became public through a letter addressed to the Speaker by lawyer Maithri Gunaratne, who deserves full credit for exposing it. In his letter, he called for an immediate investigation, stressing how serious such a lapse within the Treasury really is.
The Five Month Cover Up That Backfired
Anyone who saw that letter on Wednesday initially assumed the incident must have occurred just days earlier. But it soon turned into a political bombshell when it was revealed that the transfer had actually happened five months ago, in December, and had been kept hidden by authorities until now.
As a result, many began asking what had been done during those five months. This question is especially troubling because Parliament and its committees are filled with individuals regarded as economic experts. Despite their reputations as highly knowledgeable figures in finance and governance, critics now argue that either these experts were simply repeating hollow theories or they were shielding the government whenever trouble emerged.
According to available information, none of these so called experts had access to the details of the Treasury incident. The information instead reached Maithri Gunaratne directly from within the relevant institutions. This has raised serious suspicions: Did senior officials deliberately withhold information from others and provide it only to Gunaratne? Some believe powerful figures within the government, along with certain opposition elements, may have tried to suppress the matter altogether.
The Government’s Uneasy Response
Once the incident was exposed to the public on Wednesday morning, it quickly escalated into a major political controversy by evening, with statements pouring in from all sides. The issue was first raised at the Cabinet media briefing that morning. When journalists questioned Cabinet Spokesperson Minister Nalinda Jayatissa, he said he had seen the letter but had no official information beyond what was written in it. He added that the Ministry of Finance would soon issue a clarification.
This response raised eyebrows. Many wondered how the Cabinet Spokesperson could remain unaware of such a serious incident for five straight months. It was also notable that despite having the letter in hand, he had not sought clarification from the Finance Ministry before the briefing, choosing instead to sidestep the issue.
Within a few hours, however, the Ministry of Finance issued a special announcement confirming that the incident was true and that the funds had been diverted due to a hacking attack. Later that night, after 9:30 p.m., Deputy Finance Minister Professor Anil Jayantha told a media briefing that the government had already taken necessary steps.
Opposition Strikes Back
Following this, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa issued a statement about the missing 2.5 million dollars. Meanwhile, Dr. Harsha de Silva, Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance, told a press conference on Thursday morning that as soon as he learned of the incident, he contacted committee members via WhatsApp and requested the Finance Ministry Secretary to appear before Parliament at 1:00 p.m. But despite five reminders, there was no response.
Instead of appearing before the Committee, Finance Ministry Secretary Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma addressed the media later that afternoon. He explained that although the incident had occurred five months earlier, it had not been disclosed publicly because revealing it might alert the hackers and allow them to escape detection.
A Second Bond Scandal in the Making?
Many observers now view this controversy as the beginning of a second chapter similar to the Central Bank bond scandal that plagued the previous Yahapalana government, this time hitting the Malima administration. The issue has sparked intense debate on social media. And much like the earlier coal controversy, critics argue that the government cannot easily dismiss or wash away this mess.
Notably, because the payment was linked to Australia, social media discussions have even named individuals allegedly connected to Australia, further intensifying the political backlash against the government.
Tough Questions the Government Can’t Answer
At this point, the opposition has raised several difficult questions that the government appears unable to answer. First, why was such a serious incident hidden for five months? Second, why was this matter not reported to the Criminal Investigation Department for months, especially when even relatively minor issues, like disputes over academic titles, are routinely referred to the CID? Third, why was a process previously handled by experienced Central Bank specialists suddenly handed over to less experienced Treasury officials? Some argue that this shift followed International Monetary Fund recommendations, which transferred debt repayment responsibilities from the Central Bank to the Treasury.
There are also reports that when information about this transaction first emerged, a Central Bank official flagged it as suspicious and advised the Treasury to double check the account details. If true, this raises even more questions about how the payment was ultimately processed. It is already clear that this issue will likely become a major political debate.
How Sajith Premadasa Responded Behind the Scenes
When these details surfaced, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa was on a tour in the southern region. Upon receiving the information, he immediately convened a Zoom discussion with five economic experts from his party. During the call, he sought clarity on how such an incident could happen, who might be responsible, what the consequences could be, and what preventive measures should be taken.
By that time, the experts had already gathered substantial information. However, some sensitive details were shared cautiously, with requests not to disclose them immediately. Premadasa listened carefully, paying close attention to the technical aspects. He then held another Zoom discussion with a distinguished former Governor of the Central Bank. Their roughly 20 minute conversation focused on how such transactions are normally carried out, how they were handled under the Central Bank in the past, and what safeguards had been in place to prevent such errors. After that, he met with his party’s management committee to decide on next steps, both inside and outside Parliament, for responding to the issue.
Cricket Politics Enters the Fray
Amid these crises, from the coal scandal to the Lal Kantha house controversy, the 286 dollar diesel purchase, and now the 2.5 million dollar transfer, the government appears to have realised that its public popularity is falling sharply. During internal discussions last week, there were calls to make quick, popular decisions to restore public trust.
In this context, a front page report in the Daily Mirror suggested that Shammi Silva, the President of Sri Lanka Cricket, might be removed from his position. Cricket is a sport that unites the entire country across political lines. Growing criticism over the team’s poor performances has led many to demand leadership changes.
Media Narratives and Hidden Agendas
At the same time, the Sirasa Media Network had been devoting significant airtime to criticising the cricket administration. This led to speculation that a broader narrative was being shaped, possibly with encouragement from higher authorities, to build public support for removing Silva and presenting it as a government success. However, despite these efforts, public attention remained focused on economic and political scandals rather than cricket.
Earlier public sentiment suggested that if changes were to be made in cricket administration, the role should go to a widely respected and clean figure such as Roshan Mahanama. The President had also reportedly considered appointing an interim committee led by an independent individual.
The Surprising Name of Eran Wickramaratne
Yet, in a surprising twist, media reports named Eran Wickramaratne, a member of the opposition party, as the chairman of the proposed interim committee. This raised eyebrows, as many questioned how a figure from the opposition came to be linked to government plans. Previously, it had been reported that certain economic advisers from the opposition were quietly advising the government. The same individuals were also said to have helped past administrations, including that of Ranil Wickremesinghe. There were even claims that some opposition linked advisers helped draft the government’s budget while publicly criticising it. While such revelations have reportedly caused friction between some advisers and the media, the argument remains that these are political facts the public has a right to know.
When the entire country was calling for a clean figure like Roshan Mahanama, how did the name of Eran Wickramaratne, an electoral organiser of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya, suddenly emerge for the cricket board chairman post? Many now question whether earlier reports are connected to Wickramaratne’s sudden appearance.
Internal Opposition Within the SJB
As media reports suggested that the government was preparing to appoint him as head of an interim cricket committee, even SJB MPs began raising serious concerns. Internally, they questioned whether Wickramaratne could continue his political career within the party if he accepted a government appointed position. At the same time, speculation grew about a possible behind the scenes understanding between him and the ruling party.
As these discussions intensified, several MPs directly contacted Sajith Premadasa for clarification. Premadasa reportedly told them that Wickramaratne had not informed him of any such move and that he had no intention of raising the matter himself. But he made his position clear: if Wickramaratne were to accept a government role, he would no longer be able to continue in SJB politics and would instead have to align his political future with the ruling side.
The President’s Cricket Calculations
Before the media reports surfaced, it is learned that the President had already been studying the possibility of appointing an interim committee for cricket administration. This is a sensitive matter because, under International Cricket Council rules, government interference in cricket administration can lead to serious consequences, including suspension. A similar attempt during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s tenure ended with Sri Lanka being suspended by the ICC. Therefore, concerns have been raised again about whether such a move could once again put Sri Lanka cricket at risk of sanctions.
In response to such concerns, it is reported that the President has expressed confidence in handling the situation. This confidence may partly stem from the current ICC leadership under Jay Shah, who is also the son of Amit Shah. Given the reportedly close ties between the current Sri Lankan administration and the Indian government, some believe the President feels he can manage any potential fallout.
The President’s Ties to Shammi Silva
At the same time, it is no secret that the President shares a close relationship with Shammi Silva, the current head of Sri Lanka Cricket. During a previous parliamentary controversy involving Silva under the Wickremesinghe administration, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, then in the opposition, was criticised for staying away from the debate. Given this background, it is highly unlikely that Silva would be removed abruptly without prior discussion. According to available information, a meeting between the President and Silva is expected in the coming days, during which key decisions will likely be discussed, whether Silva will step down, how the transition would happen, and what the next steps for cricket administration would be. However, when questioned at last week’s Cabinet media briefing, Cabinet Spokesperson Nalinda Jayatissa said there had been no Cabinet discussion about removing Shammi Silva.
The Daily Mirror’s Role and Skepticism
It was the Daily Mirror, a paper often associated with Ranil Wickremesinghe’s family, that first reported the claim that Shammi Silva would be removed and Eran Wickramaratne appointed in his place. In recent times, the newspaper has faced repeated allegations of publishing inaccurate or agenda driven stories. Critics have even mockingly called it the Daily Error. Reflecting this skepticism, when journalists questioned S. M. Marikkar at a press briefing, he responded with a smile, saying he could not comment and that no one had confirmed whether the report was true. Meanwhile, journalist Saroj Pathirana also addressed the issue in an article, stating that after checking, he found the report to be entirely false.
Wild Rumours and Unverified Claims
Following the publication of the story, a wave of speculation swept through political circles, with various names and theories being floated, some stretching credibility. One rumour suggested that after the report surfaced, Shammi Silva had held discussions with ICC chairman Jay Shah. Another claim alleged that a meeting related to cricket had taken place at the home of a well known businesswoman said to have close ties with senior government figures, with even a prominent pastor reportedly in attendance. According to this rumour, Eran Wickramaratne’s name had been proposed for the cricket leadership role on a religious basis, though such claims remain unverified.
Political Damage Control Beyond Cricket
All of this unfolded at a time when the Treasury controversy had already damaged the government’s public image. With popularity reportedly declining, internal discussions have focused on regaining public confidence. Removing Shammi Silva was seen as one possible popular move, but not the only one. According to reports, the government is also considering several high profile appointments aimed at sending positive signals to both the business community and the international community. One such plan involves bringing back a former chairman from the era of Chandrika Kumaratunga to lead a currently loss making and controversial state institution.
This is striking because the current administration had earlier emphasised that it was backed by a new generation of highly skilled professionals, experts in technology, economics, and modern governance. Yet, despite those claims, turning back to figures from past administrations suggests a shift in approach, likely driven by immediate political pressures rather than long term reform strategy.
More Appointments on the Horizon
In addition, there are reports that in early or mid June, the government plans to appoint a well recognised private sector figure, known as a popular adviser, to a high ranking position. This move, like several others down the line, appears to be part of a broader strategy to recover the government’s steadily declining popularity.
The Revolt of the Disillusioned Twelve
By last week, it had become increasingly clear that even within the ruling camp, many were beginning to realise the government’s fading popularity. This perception was reinforced by a widely circulated report on social media claiming that 12 MPs from within the government had jointly sent a letter to the party headquarters in Pelawatte.
According to the report, these MPs expressed dissatisfaction over recent developments and warned that if immediate corrective action was not taken, they would be forced to make tough decisions. Notably, neither the government nor the Pelawatte party headquarters moved to deny these claims, which has added further weight to the speculation.
Who Are the Twelve?
The reported details of the letter suggest that the group includes two Cabinet ministers, three deputy ministers, and seven backbench MPs. Two of them are said to be currently overseas. This group reportedly consists of professionals from diverse fields, university lecturers, former senior security officials, lawyers, and doctors, many of whom entered politics through the Malima alliance rather than as long standing party activists.
Money Troubles at the Heart of the Revolt
One of their main grievances appears to be economic. Before entering politics, many earned significantly higher incomes in their professional careers. Now, with restrictions on MPs’ privileges, they reportedly find themselves living at what they describe as a subsistence level. Alongside these personal concerns, they have also raised criticisms about certain government actions. Party insiders indicate that a high level discussion may take place in the coming days to address the concerns raised in the letter.
Not a Sudden Development
Although some media outlets reported last week that a growing number of government MPs are disillusioned, this is not a new revelation. In fact, as far back as February 2025, earlier reports had already indicated that around 15 MPs within the Malima government were experiencing serious dissatisfaction and could, at some point, be pushed toward decisive action. What is different now is that these concerns appear to be surfacing more openly and, if the reports are accurate, in a more coordinated manner.
Could 15 MPs Break Away?
In recent days, social media has been buzzing with claims that nearly 15 MPs from the Malima government may soon break away. While some platforms are now amplifying this story, it is not entirely new. Similar concerns had reportedly surfaced just weeks after the government secured its two thirds majority.
At the time, early signs pointed to internal tensions within the broader alliance, particularly between the core Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna bloc and other groups aligned under the Malima umbrella. Disagreements over academic credentials, policy directions, and internal dynamics were said to be creating friction, occasionally even leading to heated discussions within party leadership circles.
Different Backgrounds, Different Pressures
Out of the 159 Malima MPs, around 107 are from the broader National People’s Power aligned bloc, while 52 are core JVP members. These 52 are full time JVP activists accustomed to a more austere political lifestyle. However, a large portion of the remaining MPs come from very different backgrounds. Many are highly qualified professionals, academics, corporate executives, and specialists, who previously held senior positions, earned high salaries, and enjoyed substantial privileges before entering politics. They gave up those careers and benefits to join Parliament.
During the election campaign, Malima representatives also pledged that they would not rely on traditional perks such as high salaries, official vehicles, fuel allowances, and extensive staff. Now, that very promise is creating a dilemma. For full time party members, living without such perks may be manageable. But for professionals who transitioned from high income careers, the reality of reduced income and limited privileges has reportedly become a growing challenge.
A Crossroads for Professional Politicians
As a result, some MPs are now said to be weighing a difficult decision. Should they continue in Parliament for five years under these constrained conditions, or step away and return to their previous professions and lifestyles? According to available information, these discussions within certain circles have intensified in recent weeks. While nothing has been officially confirmed, the possibility of a small group eventually breaking away is now being openly speculated about. If such a move were to materialise, it would not just be a numerical shift. It could also signal deeper structural tensions within the coalition between ideology and practical reality.
Why the JVP Might Not Mind
If a group of Malima MPs does decide to step down, what happens next? From what is being discussed, the JVP leadership is not unaware of this brewing situation. In fact, there is an argument that they may be quietly waiting for such resignations to happen. The reasoning is straightforward: if these MPs vacate their seats, those positions could potentially be filled by full time JVP members. That would increase the current number of 52 core JVP MPs, strengthening the JVP’s internal grip within the broader Malima structure. From that perspective, some hardline voices within the party reportedly see such a development as advantageous rather than damaging. This is why speculation about around 15 MPs preparing to quit has been gaining traction online. It ties into this broader internal calculation and political strategy.
May Day Showdown: Malima vs SJB
At the same time, the government is planning a major political push around May Day to rebuild its public image. Initially, the plan was to hold three main rallies in the north, the hill country, and Colombo. But after the recent controversies, the strategy has shifted dramatically. The new plan is to organise 21 rallies across all districts, aiming to showcase strong grassroots support and counter the narrative of declining popularity. The idea is simple: visible turnout equals perceived political strength.
The President will attend major rallies in the hill country, covering Badulla and Nuwara Eliya, and in Maharagama. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya is set to attend the Ratnapura rally. Party General Secretary Tilvin Silva will be present in Tangalle and Matara. K. D. Lal Kantha is expected at rallies in Kandy, Kegalle, and Kurunegala. Vijitha Herath will attend events in Puttalam and Gampaha. Bimal Rathnayake is set to lead the northern rally. Others like Sunil Handunnetti, Nalinda Jayatissa, Anura Karunatilaka, and Harshana Nanayakkara will also take part at district level. This year’s theme has been framed as “People’s Power for the Republic,” signalling an attempt to reconnect with the grassroots and reassert legitimacy.
Two Parallel Tracks
Put together, two parallel tracks are emerging. First, internal strain leads to possible MP exits and ideological versus practical tensions. Second, external optics focus on mass mobilisation, narrative control, and political signalling. Whether the May Day push can offset the internal rifts is still an open question, but the next few weeks look politically decisive.
SJB Gains Momentum
Amid these emerging issues, as the government appears to be losing popularity, the opposition seems to have gained momentum, which is now clearly visible. Against this backdrop, following the resignation of Minister Kumara Jayakodi over the coal scam, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya decided to proceed with the May Day rally that it had earlier planned to cancel.
Generally, given the current political situation, there are fewer than a handful of parties capable of organising a well attended and properly coordinated May Day rally. The National People’s Power had already announced in advance that it would hold its May Day rally this year. The SJB has now decided to hold its rally at the P.D. Sirisena Grounds in Maligawatta, while the Sri Lanka Freedom Party has decided to hold its rally at Campbell Park in Borella. The Frontline Socialist Party has chosen Hyde Park in Colombo as its venue.
The UNP’s Convenient Absence
Although the government had earlier decided, following requests from senior monks, to shift Vesak Poya Day to May 30, the United National Party and the Pohottuwa announced in advance that they would not hold May Day rallies, claiming that Vesak Poya falls on May 1. The UNP plans instead to conduct religious observances on that day and organise a biryani almsgiving. However, the real reason appears to be its inability to gather even a thousand participants, which has led it to avoid holding a May Day rally.
The Two Ghosts Within the UNP
As we have reported on several occasions, there have been ongoing covert operations by a few individuals within the UNP aimed at disrupting the growing unity between the SJB and the UNP.
SJB leader Sajith Premadasa held several rounds of discussions with senior UNP figures to bring the two parties together, and both sides publicly stated that the talks were successful. However, it was UNP senior Ravi Karunanayake who first revealed that two ghosts within the UNP are working to destroy both Ranil Wickremesinghe and the party itself while operating close to him.
Sajith’s Patience Tested
Following successful discussions with figures such as Ruwan, Navin, Akila, Thalatha, and Sagala, Sajith’s plan has now reached the stage of formalising the agreement. However, since there is no immediate election or major political event, Sajith prefers to finalise the alliance closer to an election in a more ceremonial, public manner rather than through an early written agreement.
Although the two parties have not yet formally merged, grassroots supporters of both the SJB and UNP are already working together. One of the key ideas discussed by Sajith with senior party members while planning the May Day event was to invite UNP leaders and hold the rally as a grand occasion symbolising unity between the SJB and UNP. A few days before May Day, Sajith had also planned to publicly extend this invitation at a special media briefing along with SJB Chairman Kabir Hashim and General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara, followed by a formal written invitation sent through Madduma Bandara.
Sabotage from Within
However, this plan was reportedly discovered early by the so called two ghosts within the UNP. Agitated like snakes splashed with lamp oil, they immediately began working to sabotage the planned unity at the May Day event. Initially, they used Ranil’s news plant network to publish a story on the Lanka Deeepa website, claiming that Buddhist monks had requested political rallies be avoided on Vesak Poya and that religious observances should be given priority. However, the article did not mention the name of the journalist or any monk making such a request, raising suspicion. The aim of this move was to disrupt the SJB May Day rally.
Afterwards, one of these ghosts began organising so called opposition joint meetings in various places and used attendees to spread messages suggesting that the UNP respects Vesak Poya and will therefore not hold May Day rallies. This was part of an attempt to shift the narrative away from May Day. The other ghost frequently visited the residence of G.L. Peiris, holding meetings labelled as joint opposition gatherings that were largely ignored, while giving statements to the media. The objective was also to disrupt the planned SJB UNP unity rally.
UNP seniors reportedly informed Sajith about these developments via phone calls. Sajith responded calmly, saying: “Don’t worry. Some in the UNP are accusing me of not working to unite the parties. But I have always worked according to a plan. Let’s follow our strategy. If they want to disrupt it, let them. We will do our duty. Anyone who comes to our May Day rally will be warmly welcomed.”
Champika’s Sudden U Turn
In politics, changing statements, lying, and misleading the public occur in different forms at different times. Today, many people clearly understand this when comparing statements made by NPP leaders before coming to power and their actions after gaining power. Last week, a new example of such a change in stance emerged involving former minister Patali Champika Ranawaka regarding the Easter Sunday attacks. Three years ago, at a press briefing, Champika had said there were four unresolved issues and had also accused military intelligence units. However, at a press conference last week, he stated that the Easter attack was entirely carried out by a radical jihadist group and that this was also confirmed by an FBI report. He further said that he had previously been misled by statements from those involved in the investigations and had therefore changed his position.
