From D.S. Senanayake’s careful grooming of leaders to Ranil Wickremesinghe’s failure to build a new generation, this is the story of how the United National Party (UNP) went from unrivaled dominance to irrelevance. Discover how lost succession planning led to the rise of rivals like Chandrika, Mahinda, Maithripala, and Anura.
For decades, the United National Party (UNP) reigned as Sri Lanka’s dominant political force, built on a legacy of strong right-wing leadership. D.S. Senanayake, the party’s founding father, crafted a deliberate system to cultivate future power brokers. But that system collapsed under Ranil Wickremesinghe’s watch. As Sri Lanka grapples with political instability today, the collapse of UNP leadership stands at the heart of the crisis.
D.S. Senanayake didn’t create S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. The future SLFP founder came from the Sinhala Maha Sabha and was brought in by D.S. to secure votes for the 1947 general election. After victory, D.S. made Bandaranaike Leader of the House, but he also strategically appointed others to dilute Bandaranaike’s growing influence. Chief among them were Dudley Senanayake (his son and Minister of Agriculture), Sir John Kotelawala, and a rising J.R. Jayewardene as Minister of Finance. The trio formed a counterbalance to Bandaranaike’s ambition.
D.S. also installed Sir Oliver Goonetilleke as Foreign Minister, eventually making him Sri Lanka’s first Sinhalese Governor-General. These calculated moves birthed a robust leadership class. Sir John and Dudley would both become Prime Ministers, J.R. would rise to Prime Minister and President, and Sir Oliver would lead internationally. For nearly three decades from 1947 to 1970 this lineage preserved UNP dominance.
But when Dudley and J.R. inherited the UNP, they faced a new problem: no emerging southern leaders. Recognizing this, J.R. covertly initiated a leadership search. Without naming a deputy, he secretly polled his working committee. R. Premadasa emerged as the top choice, followed by Gamini Dissanayake, Lalith Athulathmudali, and Ronnie de Mel. After the 1977 landslide, these four formed J.R.’s power core: Premadasa as PM, Gamini managing Mahaweli Development, Lalith overseeing Trade, and Ronnie as Finance Minister.
The introduction of proportional representation (PR) under J.R. further solidified UNP’s grip by rewarding district-level vote winners. Lalith even predicted that PR would weaken SLFP dynasties like the Bandaranaikes. J.R. envisioned decades of control: Premadasa would lead, followed by Gamini, Lalith, and Ronnie.
But history had other plans. The late 1980s brought terror. Premadasa’s rise sidelined Lalith and Gamini, while Ranjan Wijeratne his protégé was assassinated. Later, Premadasa himself was killed by Prabhakaran’s LTTE. Lalith and Gamini followed, leaving only Ranil Wickremesinghe and Gamini Atukorale standing. Ranil appointed Atukorale as UNP General Secretary but failed to develop any new leadership, breaking with the tradition of D.S. and J.R.
Rather than build right-wing successors, Ranil nurtured SLFP leaders. Without his backing, Chandrika Bandaranaike would never have become Prime Minister in 1994. When her party fell short of a majority, it was Ashraff’s Muslim Congress that enabled her to govern. Meanwhile, Gamini Dissanayake rejoined the UNP and tried, with Ashraff’s support, to form a government. Gamini even lobbied President Wijetunga to appoint Chandrika as PM to divide her base.
But Chandrika struck a secret deal with Ranil. In return, he stepped down, leaving Wijetunga no choice but to name her Prime Minister. Gamini was sidelined. Later, Ranil would view Chandrika as a threat and tried to weaken her by empowering Mahinda Rajapaksa. When Mahinda clashed with her in Hambantota, it opened the door for Sajith Premadasa to rise.
Even when Ranil became Prime Minister in 2002, he still played factional games. He endorsed the Mahinda–Jayaraj plan to replace Ratnasiri Wickremanayake as Opposition Leader, installing Mahinda instead. Ultimately, this only bolstered Mahinda’s standing, and when Mahinda ran against Ranil, he won the presidency.
In 2015, Ranil again chose to support an SLFP figure Maithripala Sirisena to defeat Mahinda. Sirisena’s candidacy hinged on SLFP’s promise not to contest. If Sajith had run instead, he might have won outright. Ranil’s pattern was clear: empowering the left while suppressing his own ranks.
By 2022, Ranil became President with Mahinda’s backing. He ran to block Sajith Premadasa from taking the presidency. The outcome? Anura Kumara Dissanayake won. Even in defeat, Ranil used his influence to undermine Sajith and promote Anura thereby consolidating power for the SLFP-United Front alliance.
Had Ranil fostered leadership like D.S. and J.R., Sri Lanka’s right-wing legacy could have endured. Figures like Chandrika, Mahinda, Maithri, and Anura may never have risen. The UNP and the South might still be steering Sri Lanka’s future instead of watching it from the sidelines.
SOURCE :- SRI LANKA GUARDIAN
About the Author
The writer’s historical points may be accurate though I disagree with his views that the right-wing attitudes of the past could have continued. Don’t forget the impact the JVP had in the 70s that helped change cultural and societal norms of the time.